Monday, June 24, 2019

The Irrational Religion of Socialism By John Eustace Giles 1838


The Religion of the Socialist is Irrational in its Foundation

In “the Book of the New Moral World, by Robert Owen,” and bearing for its motto, “Sacred to truth, without mystery, mixture of error, or fear of man,” the foundation of the system is stated as follows,

“The Five Fundamental Facts, and Twenty Facts and Laws of Human Nature, on which the Rational System is founded.”

In another production entitled, “Outline of the Rational System,” &c. the Five facts are announced without the Twenty, as “the fundamental facts on which the Rational System of Society is founded;” while the Twenty are in no way spoken of as fundamental to the system, but denominated “The Constitution and Laws of Human Nature, or Moral Science of Man.”

In these two announcements, made in the same year, 1837, the Founder of Socialism, though he proclaims himself to the world as the wisest of men, and an infallible guide to happiness, has fallen, you perceive, into flat contradiction, on a point of no less importance than the foundation of his system. For while in the former statement he mentions at least “Twenty Facts and Laws of Human Nature,” as fundamental to his theory, in the latter he describes them as constituting, not the basis of his system, but the system itself, which he manages to found upon the five facts only. And whether he would have us adopt the first or the second of these statements, or, putting up with a little inconsistency, blend them both together; whether we are to regard his five facts as the foundation of the system, to the exclusion of the twenty, or the twenty to the exclusion of the five; and why in the former case the twenty are described as fundamental, or the five in the latter; whether we are to regard them all as equally fundamental, and why, if such be his meaning, the whole might not have been announced as the Five-and-twenty facts on which the Rational System is founded; or whether, finally, we are to consider the five fundamental to the twenty, as the twenty, in turn, are fundamental to the system; and, upon this supposition, by what process, excepting that of multiplying by four, he has contrived from his five facts to produce twenty, it is impossible, either from the announcements themselves, or the explanation given of them, to determine. Nor is there any way of accounting for statements so perplexing, at the very beginning of a work “sacred to truth, without mystery, or mixture of error,” (how evidently so ever written without “fear of man,”) unless we conclude either that the author, in imitation of ancient philosophers, designed to be unintelligible, or, in laying the foundation of his system, had dug so deep beneath the level of common sense, as to get lost in darkness. One thing, however, you perceive is certain, that the sole basis on which he pretends to found his opinions, is his knowledge of “human nature:” which may be shewn to be not only imperfect, but, though ever so perfect, insufficient for his purpose.

1. The Socialist's religion, then, is irrational in its basis, because founded upon an imperfect knowledge of human nature. Though it will be easy to evince, when necessary, that his boasted “facts and laws” are, many of them, nothing but unproved and worthless assertions, it will be sufficient for the general argument which we are now maintaining, to shew that his knowledge of man falls short of perfection. Professing to give a perfect standard of belief and practice, both with regard to our Maker and our fellow-men, he demands from us nothing less than the consignment of our entire happiness to his care; and consequently is bound, though there were no absurdity in making a knowledge of our nature only the ground of such lofty pretensions, to convince us that his acquaintance with that subject is complete. Because, if otherwise, he founds his system in partial ignorance of the nature for which he undertakes the work of universal legislation; and, for any thing he can affirm to the contrary, ignorance of what may be closely connected with its highest obligations, and most stupendous destinies. Our present argument, therefore, turns upon the simple inquiry, does the Founder of “the Rational System” possess an acquaintance with human nature thus perfect? Unabashed by the examples of great men in all ages, who by common consent have bewailed the deficiency of their knowledge, he answers this question, if we are to judge from his writings, in the affirmative. His book, as we have already seen, is “sacred to truth, without mystery, or mixture of error;” he pronounces his dogmas to be “divine,” “eternal and universal truths;” declares that they “demonstrate what human nature is,” and are in unity with “all” and “every part” of nature; and modestly triumphing in his immeasurable superiority to the wisdom of all nations and all ages, the wisdom not only of earth but of Heaven, “how opposed,” he exclaims, “are the harmony and unity of this science, to all the religions and codes of laws invented by the past generations of men, while ignorant of their own organization, and of the laws of nature!” But such pretensions, without covering the ignorance, only serve to shew the vanity and presumption in which his system is rooted; and it would be well for him to remember, that the boast of infallibility, whatever its success under the darkness of the middle ages, is sure, in the present day, to meet with pity or derision instead of reverence, being invariably regarded by wise men as the most hopeless symptom of dullness or insanity.

On the supposition, however, of its being necessary to put the perfection of his knowledge of human nature to the test, we have no occasion to torture him either with long or abstruse interrogation, since a few questions on one of the most simple occurrences of life will be sufficient for our purpose. If, for instance, we ask him to explain the process by which he lifts his arm? he replies with promptitude, “volition moves the brain, the brain the nerves, the nerves the muscles, and the muscles the bones, integuments, and skin, and thus the whole arm is put in motion.” But when we ask further, how volition moves the brain, or how the brain stimulates the nerves? the question strikes him dumb, and he stands in speechless ignorance before the most lenient tribunal of inquiry. Yet this blind and helpless creature, who cannot explain the twinkling of an eyelid, or the movement of a limb, but, as he creeps through life, picks up mystery at every step, places himself as a candidate for our faith, in opposition to the Lord and Saviour of the world; and offering to illuminate the path of happiness with his discoveries, calls upon us to toss away, and extinguish, if possible, the Lamp of life.

But, irrational as his pretensions to knowledge have been already found, let us view them in connection with some of the leading principles of his own system, and their absurdity will appear yet more glaring and contemptible. “Man,” he tells us, “is the creature of circumstances;” and, though he scoffs at the christian doctrines of the fall and depravity of our nature, he holds a theory of original sin and corruption peculiar to himselft Instead of the agency of Satan, whose existence he denies, he attributes the fall of man to the intervention of magistrates and priests; the latter, by the inculcation of religion, and the former, by the enforcement of laws, especially the law of marriage. Consequently, the whole human race have sunk into a state of ignorance, vice, wretchedness, and irrationality, entirely artificial. Their very organization, he affirms, has lamentably degenerated, and that to raise one of them from this condition, is utterly impossible, without an entire revolution in their circumstances.”

Now admitting, for the sake of argument, these statements to be true, whence, we naturally inquire, has the Founder of Socialism derived that perfection of knowledge and virtue, which renders him so infallible a guide to happiness? Generated from the common mass of corruption, and bred amidst circumstances which “compel men without their will” to be unnaturally vicious, ignorant, wretched, and irrational, he could never, according to his own theory, possess either the capacity or materials of wisdom; and, if desirous of being consistent, is reduced to the alternative either of renouncing his principles or his pretensions. But, in the reasoning of the Socialist, consistency is ef little importance; and, therefore, in defiance both of his five “fundamental facts and his twenty facts and laws of human nature,” he professes to have become mise, though born as the mild ass's colt. “The character of man is formed for him and not by him;” yet this mysterious being has formed a character of perfect excellence for himself. “Though man is the creature of circumstances,” he has not only successfully resisted their power, but, resolving to change the condition of the world, intends to shew that while man is the creature of circumstances, circumstances are the creatures of man. Artificial by education, and even by birth, with nothing too but what is artificial around him, he has become a perfect child of nature, in habit, feeling, and thought. From a book of unmingled falsehood, he has acquired the knowledge of unadulterated truth; in a land of Egyptian darkness, a darkness that may be felt, he has contrived, though hermetically sealed against a gleam from Heaven, to fill himself with unclouded light: and, throwing open the treasury of his knowledge to the world, offers to enrich mankind with sterling maxims of virtue, wisdom, and happiness, which have avowedly been drawn from a bank of wretchedness, insanity, and crime. When, therefore, the author of “the moral science of man” proclaims himself a teacher of “truth, without mystery or mixture of error,” offers himself as an infallible guide to all governments, all classes and nations, and professes to have found the means which, without the intervention of a miracle, shall transform “a Pandemonium into a terrestrial Paradise,” what, let me ask, can equal the absurdity of such pretensions except the folly of believing them! And since the root of his system is rottenness, what can be expected but that the blossom therof should go up as dust!

2. But were the views of human nature, upon which Socialism is based, not thus necessarily defective, it would still be irrational in its foundation, because the mere knowledge of man is too narrow, a ground upon which to dogmatize on morals and religion. As there are five fingers to the hand, and five senses to the body, let us admit that the “Fundamental facts of human nature” are neither more nor less than the “five” which the Socialist has given us; so that to extend them into six, or reduce them down to four, would be treason to common sense. Instead of multiplying them by four, and thus, as we have already hinted, converting them into twenty secondary facts, let us also suppose that to multiply by five, which makes them five-and-twenty, or by three, which reduces them to fifteen, would be a daring outrage against truth. Let us accept, I say, these arithmetical whims of the system, as the soundest logic and purest philosophy; compared with which, the discoveries of Newton are only as the transient gleam of a dew-drop to the immortal glitter of a star; yet how, from the contemplation of five, or twenty, or five-and-twenty, or any number of facts concerning human nature only, can he acquire the right of perpetual dictatorship in religion? or pronounce, with the infallible certainty which he professes, what it is safe to believe or disbelieve, to do or leave undone, in relation to the eternal God?

That some of the truths, both of religion and morality, may be drawn from the study of man, we readily allow; and, had the Socialist offered his opinions to the world as nothing more than the partial conclusions of a mind conscious of imperfection and liability to err, he never could have been assailed from our present position. But he professes to give the entire sum of religious truth and duty. He presumes to tell mankind that they are irrational in extending the circumference of their faith or practice a single inch beyond the puny circle of his discoveries; and, as he professes that his claims to implicit reverence are founded upon the observation of human nature only, his system is manifestly absurd in the main principle upon which it rests. Every relation supposes the existence of at least two parties; and, in order that we may understand the duties which lie between them, it is necessary that both should be considered. But the Socialist, admitting the existence of a First Cause, who sustains towards man the relation of a supreme, creative, and disposing power, absurdly and impiously presumes, with, avowedly, nothing but his observations on the inferior party before him, to scoff at the idea of revelation, and fix the obligations of creatures to their God.

In order that a servant might understand the duties owing to his master, would it be sufficient that he should consult simply his own inclinations; and, finding himself an idle, selfish, and sensual being, conclude that he had nothing more to do than, taking wages without work, to expend them on his lusts? Yet such is an exact illustration of the principle upon which “the children of the New Moral World” have founded their religion. To know what they owe to God, they look exclusively at man. To know the sun, they look at the moon. Consulting neither the nature nor the will of the Being who made them, they consider only themselves; and, finding in their hearts principles of selfishness, sensuality, and hatred to the Divine service, call upon mankind to quit the worship of God; and, regarding nothing but their worldly happiness, to live and die like the brutes which perish. Thus these modern Babel-builders, like those in the plains of Shinar, take for their basis a narrow space of earth; and, forgetting that a fabric so founded must end in a point infinitely short of their object, say to their fellows, “Go to, let us build a city and a tower, whose top shall reach to heaven.” So proceeding to their work, they have brick for stone, and slime have they for mortar, assertions for facts, and dogmatism for argument; and thus they rear a structure, which begins in error, rises in discord, and terminates in vain babblings and confusion.

Sunday, June 16, 2019

Socialism in Ancient Sparta By Daniel Joseph Ryan


It was natural that the enthusiasts for the socialized states, of the different periods, should appeal for a practical test of the doctrines which they had embraced. It was impossible at any time to convert a civic state into a society of socialists, therefore, it was left for those who had faith in the common life, to themselves establish, by voluntary association, a project to carry out their ideals. There were not lacking the courage and conscience to do this. The result was the foundation of different communities whose object was to develop to a practical test the doctrines of socialism in their different degrees of intensity. They all originated in altruistic motives, and had, therefore, for their purpose the elevation and happiness of their followers.

Before entering into the history of these modern attempts at applied socialism, it will be of great value and interest in connection with their consideration to present the story of Sparta—the prototype of the socialized state. Here, more than twenty-five hundred years before their time, we find many of the proposals of modern reformers put into practice. Eugenics, freedom of the sex relation, control of the "implements of production," abolition of private and personal property, and the distribution of wealth were all tried out in Sparta.

Plutarch in his Lives of eminent Greeks and Romans, which he wrote at the close of the first century after Christ, gives us a picture of life in this ideal commonwealth as it once existed. He does this in a biography of Lycurgus, the law-giver of Sparta, in which he describes the morals, laws and institutions of that Grecian state. Plutarch honestly Opens his narrative with the frank statement that there is much in the life of Lycurgus that is uncertain and controverted, but his authority for the description of Sparta is built from the fairly reliable accounts of contemporary historians, and his account of the state of Sparta may be accepted as a fairly reliable history. It was the capital of the territory of Laconia, and had, according to Plutarch, about nine thousand inhabitants. Its origin is clouded in antiquity and the method by which Lycurgus became its law-giver is uncertain and nebulous. The ancient writers when they failed to be able to account certainly for an object had recourse to the oracle, or the voices of the gods, and we are informed that the establishment of Sparta was in response to the orders of the oracle at Delphi. In its beginning we find the origin of the law of referendum which has been adopted by the American people as a new and progressive step towards individual democracy. The referendum, according to Plutarch, was ordered by Apollo through the oracle at Delphi, in this verse:

"Ye sons of Sparta, who at Phoebus' shrine
Your humble vows prefer, attentive hear
The god's decision. O'er your beauteous lands
Two guardian kings, a senate, and the voice
Of the concurring people, lasting laws
Shall with joint power establish."

Thus was the referendum established by Lycurgus, and it may be stated in passing that the government of the crowd degenerated, as it always does, into an oligarchy of the crowd, and that it exercised its power with wantonness and violence. After Lycurgus' death the referendum became such an agency of terror and tyranny that it was overthrown and the authority of the Ephori, which was a representative legislative body, was substituted.

As the first socialistic state, formed through the idealism of a just, but theoretical legislator, a brief recital of its government will give an idea of the first and most ancient failure of applied socialism.

When Lycurgus assumed control at Sparta he found a prodigious inequality among its people, the city was overcharged with many indigent persons, who owned no land, and the wealth was centered in the hands of a few. Determined, therefore, says Plutarch, to root out the evils of insolence, avarice and luxury, and those distempers of a state still more inveterate and fatal, meaning poverty and riches, he persuaded them all to cancel the former divisions of land, and to make new ones in such manner that there might be perfect equality in their possessions and way of living. His proposal was adopted and put into practice. He made nine thousand lots for the territory of Sparta, which he distributed among so many citizens, and thirty thousand for the inhabitants of the rest of Laconia. By his first step, therefore, the equal distribution of land, he accomplished the ideal and aspiration of the modern Bolsheviki. His next step was to divide personal property, and to take away all appearance of inequality. This he found was more difficult, as those who had goods strenuously resisted having them taken from them. To abolish the avaricious desire to accumulate money and personal property he destroyed money as a medium of exchange, and stopped the currency of gold and silver coins, and ordered that they should make use of iron money only. He further provided legislation so as to make it necessary that a great quantity and weight of this iron money should have but small value. For instance, if one had to lay up ten minae, which in bur modern money would be $240.00, a whole room was required, and it took a yoke of oxen to remove it. With this, states our biographer, many kinds of injustice ceased in Sparta, for, says he, "who would steal or take a bribe, who would defraud or rob when he could not conceal the booty; when he could neither be dignified by the possession of it, nor if cut in pieces be served by its use?" For Lycurgus in his shrewdness provided when this iron money was made the coins were quenched in vinegar, so as to make them brittle and unmalleable, and consequently unfit for any other service. It had no value outside of Sparta, and it was ridiculed and despised by the rest of Greece. In this way he destroyed all foreign trade, and the merchant ships of other peoples never entered their harbors. They had no "get rich quick" methods of making money, because the money was valueless and people did not want it. Consequently we are told that there was not in all Sparta "a wandering fortune teller, a keeper of an infamous house, or dealer in gold and silver trinkets, nor of any object of luxury, nor was there any way of obtaining, nor did the people care about obtaining, the money at all."

Lycurgus, having provided for the ownership of property in common and having abolished the "root of all evil," next devoted himself to adjusting his people to a life of simplicity and poverty. He insisted that men, if they were to be strong and healthy, should live the simple life, and he therefore banned luxurious living and compelled the citizens of Sparta to dine at public tables, where all were to eat in common of the same meat, and such kinds of it as were appointed by law. They were forbidden to maintain a table at home; to have expensive couches and tables, or to call in the assistance of butchers and cooks. He did this on the ground that if men were allowed to eat as they pleased, their manners would become corrupted, their bodies disordered, and they would abandon themselves to sensuality and dissoluteness, and would require long sleep, warm baths and the same indulgence as in perpetual sickness. We can see the propriety of all this when we remember that Lycurgus was creating a state in which the individual was to live for it alone and to which he was to be absolutely subordinated for peace and war, consequently this ascetic method of living. The law provided that these public tables should seat about fifteen persons. Each was to contribute the food necessary for maintenance—for instance, each was obliged to bring in monthly a bushel of meal, eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two and one-half pounds of figs, and a little money to buy flesh and fish. These articles for the table were produced outside the city of Sparta by the Helots or slaves. The children were allowed to attend this public table, where they heard discourses concerning government, and were instructed in the most liberal breeding.

The basis of the state being the family, and the object of the family being the reproduction of the species. Lycurgus legislated most minutely on this subject. The state had absolute control of the very conception and birth of its citizens. It had strict rules regulating marriage. There was no free love, but there was no exclusive consorting of husband and wife. Inasmuch as Sparta was a military state, and dependent, therefore, upon the quantity and quality of her manhood, it was essential that as many children be produced as possible, and the law required that only those should be raised who were healthy and had a prospect of a future vigorous manhood. This question of the relation of the sexes was dealt with down to the minutest details. The boys were prepared by a long series of physical education to be able to make valiant and heroic fighters. The virgins were also put through a course of training in running, wrestling, throwing quoits and darts, so that their bodies being strong and vigorous the children afterwards produced from them might be the same, and that thus fortified by exercise they might better support the pangs of childbirth and be delivered with safety. In order to take away their excessive tenderness and delicacy, consequent upon a recluse life, the law required the virgins occasionally to be seen naked, as well as the young men, and thus to dance and sing in each other's presence on certain festivals. This exhibition was done before the king and senate, as well as the populace of the city. On this matter Plutarch writes, "As for the virgins appearing naked, there was nothing disgraceful in it, because everything was conducted with modesty, and without one indecent word or action." The fact is the women of Sparta were treated with the most profound respect, because upon them rested the prowess and progress of the state; they were the breeders of the state. When a woman of another state of Greece said to Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, "You of Sparta are the only women in the world that rule the men," she answered, "We are the only women that bring forth men." Plato, in passing on this matter of the young people dancing and parading naked, struck the basis of the law when he said that it drew them almost as necessarily to marriage as the geometrical conclusion follows from the premises.

The production of children Lycurgus made one of the most important industries of Sparta, and he placed marks of infamy upon continued bachelors. They were not permitted to see the exercises of the naked virgins, but, on the other hand, they were compelled themselves, in the midst of winter, to march naked around the market place and to sing a song composed against themselves.

Their marriages were entirely different from the conception we have of that institution. It consisted of the bridegroom carrying off the bride by violence. A man saw a woman that he liked, and he simply adopted the cave methods and took her. Then the women had the direction of the wedding, cut the bride's hair close to the skin, dressed her in men's clothes, laid her upon a mattress and left her in the dark. The bridegroom then went to her and the marriage was consummated. But it was not a monogamous marriage. While there was no such thing as free love, women were expected to keep up the process of reproduction either by their husbands or some one else. When the men were off at the wars, and Sparta was fighting most of the time, it was common and reputable and legal for the women to produce children by handsome and honest young men. Lycurgus laughed at those who revenge with wars and bloodshed the communication of a married woman's favors, and allowed, that if a man in years should have a young wife he might introduce her to a younger and more physically developed young man, whom he most approved of, and, when she had a child of this generous race, bring it up as his own. On the other hand, the law allowed that if a man of character should entertain a passion for a married woman on account of her modesty and the beauty of her children, he might treat with her husband for admission to her company, that so planting in a beauty-bearing soil, he might produce excellent children, the congenial offspring of excellent parents. For, says Plutarch, Lycurgus considered children not so much the property of the parents as of the state, and therefore he would not have them begot by ordinary persons, but by the best men in it. In the next place he observed the vanity and absurdity of other nations, "where people study to have their horses and dogs of the finest breed they can procure either by interest or money, and yet keep their wives shut up that they may have children by none but themselves, though they may happen to be doting, decrepit, or infirm." These regulations we are advised, and contrary to possible expectation, while tending to secure a healthy offspring, and consequently beneficial to the state, were so far from encouraging that licentiousness of the women which prevailed afterwards and in other states, that adultery was not known among them.

After the state laid the foundation for the production of the child it was not left to the father, or the parents, to rear what children he pleased, but he carried the child to a body of the most ancient men of the state, and if it was strong and well proportioned they gave orders for its education, and assigned it one of the nine thousand shares of land. But, if it was weakly and deformed, they ordered it to be thrown into a place called Apothetae, a deep cavern, concluding that its life could be no benefit either to itself or to the public, since nature had not given it any strength or goodness of constitution. The children were raised with great care, but not by the parents. As soon as they were seven years old Lycurgus ordered them to be enrolled in companies, where they were all kept under the same order and discipline, and had their exercises and recreations in common. They were taught to steal and lie, and to practice this and to acquire facility in it, they were sent out into the country, slyly getting into gardens, stealing the produce, or even provisions from the tables, and if any were caught he was severely flogged for negligence or want of dexterity. Plutarch tells this story: "The boys steal with so much caution, that one of them having conveyed a young fox under his garment, suffered the creature to tear out his bowels with his teeth and claws, choosing rather to die than to be detected."

These boys when grown up constituted the manhood of Sparta. The city had no walls, because it was the Spartan's boast that its men were its walls.

I have given a picture here of one of the ancient states of the world in which "the country and its wealth," meeting the demands of modern socialism, was "redeemed from the control of private interests and turned over to the people to be administered for the equal benefit of all" and in which the state was the dominating power. The individual was passed into the hopper when a child, and moulded and furbished in such manner as the state decreed, and from the hour of his birth to his death he had no individuality, but was simply a unit in a great civic machine. He was denied any education except what pertained to fighting. Sparta cultivated neither arts, literature, learning, nor religion; nor has she left us any remains of a spiritual or intellectual type. It was a state in which physical prowess and physical development were the sole purpose of its organization. It may well be understood that such a state was always engaged in war. First the Spartans conquered their surrounding territory of Laconia, and reduced the inhabitants to the producers of the things they needed. The Helots were slaves, attached to the land; they tilled it for their masters. As Sparta grew under the laws of Lycurgus, wars were the direct result of its institutions.

They were at war with the Messenians in the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ, and completely subjugated that people. They carried on war with their northern neighbors, the Arcadians, and the Argives, and again they were successful, so that before the sixth century before Christ they were the leading people in all Greece. In the fifth century they warred against Persia, and in the fourth century against Athens, and entirely humiliated that highly bred people. And so it continued for century after century, this highly trained military nation with the battle cry of "Sparta over all," even as a more modern nation cried "Germany over all," until finally they were conquered by the Romans, so that when the end came in the second century before Christ the nation was in a state of beggary and there were scarcely seven hundred people of Spartan descent.

So this first state which destroyed individual effort and action has no existence in history except as we read a report of her institutions, her revelries of war, and her failure. She has left no literature, no sculpture, no architecture—nothing except a record of the very grossest materialism which failed and fell to pieces under its unnatural system of government. Compare her institutions to that of her neighbors,

"To the glory that was Greece, And the grandeur that was Rome." These two nations were individualistic, and were built upon the ambition, the responsibility and the single purpose of its men and women. Their poets, dramatists, philosophers, painters, sculptors, orators, law-givers and statesmen have handed down to us the results of their intellect and genius, and we have been living on them for twenty centuries never equalling them, but constantly seeking to imitate them as our models. From Greece we have Aristotle, Demosthenes, Homer, Plato, Socrates, Pericles, Euripides and a hundred other great spirits, who have impressed the world from their day to ours. And from Rome Cicero, Livy, Seneca, Tacitus, Virgil, Sallust, who in like manner have furnished the highest ideals in the world's literature.

Turning to the waste of Sparta, which like a desert has no remains, we find the real answer in the fact that one government represents the ambition and spirit of the individual man, and the other is the residuum of a race that was subordinate in every way to the state, and that had no personal or individual mission.

Sunday, June 9, 2019

The Fallacies of Socialism by Rev. S.E. Keeble


Socialist Fallacies, by Rev. S.E. Keeble 1896

There can hardly be any doubt that many friends of the workingman are repelled from Socialism and Socialists by several glaring fallacies which Socialists love to entertain. There is the psychological fallacy that we have but to make a sufficiently drastic change in the external circumstances of man and we at once secure his well-being and happiness. The workman, say they, is now landless, toolless, moneyless. Communize land, capital, machinery, and all other instruments of production and distribution, and you will at once bring in the Golden Age. Nothing will move the Socialists from this; they cast scorn upon those who do not give way upon this point, but argue for preliminary or at least corresponding moral changes in human nature. The Fabians deliberately parted company with those who would not affirm that external changes were all that was necessary to uplift the workingman, with those who afterwards formed the “New Fellowship.” The fact is that at every turn Socialism shows traces of its materialistic origin. It has inherited the virus of that now discredited notion, championed by Buckle and some lesser lights, that man is a mere creature of circumstances, a product of his environment. At the back of this superstition is a denial of human freedom, of human responsibility and of all spiritual elements in human nature.

There is no doubt that the neglect by some thinkers of the influence of surroundings upon human cinaracter and destiny, and the rise of evolution and the historic method, partly account for this attitude. But the contention—change the circumstances and you change the man—is now as demonstrably unscientific as it is contrary to human experience. The Socialists should give more heed to the scientific doctrine of heredity; this would surely teach them not to expect too much from merely external changes. The tendency of certain types to persist, and of others, when changed by artificial selection, to revert again to type, should certainly warn them against expecting too much from external readjustments. Whatever be the form of social economy in the future we shall have human nature with us, and, unless the changes are rapid or sudden, very much as we have it now. Human nature, modified by five hundred years of individualism, will not fall quickly or kindly into rank in a Collectivist community. Yet the average Socialist seems blind to this and is for precipitating his material millennium to-morrow, regardless— nay, secure—of consequences. The lessons of science and of history, which teach him that human nature is very slowly modified, and that it very reluctantly adapts itself to new material surroundings, and very slowly rises to new moral demands, are all neglected by him.

The numerous attempts made both here and in America to establish ideal communities, attempts which have generally ended in failure, because the enthusiastic founders had omitted to reckon upon average human nature, should also give the Socialists pause in their mad career of advocacy. There would be no objection if Socialists preached the social idea—but they scorn such an idea if it means that the ideal is impossible of almost immediate realization. One well-known Socialist lecturer expects the new industrial era to be in full swing in the time of our grandchildren, and even this announcement chills the very marrow of Socialistic audiences, who, like the first over-sanguine Christians, grow weary and cry, “Where is the promise of its coming?” Now, many friends of the workman feel that it is cruel thus to mislead and deceive him. Socialists ostentatiously separate themselves from those who work for the ethical and religious elevation of the workman, and deride the temperance advocate and the Christian preacher. It is here that they err fatally, for they alienate those without whose help more ideal industrious systems will never have a chance of lasting a year.

Then there is the economic fallacy that labor produces all the wealth of the country. Of course, if that be so, the social problem is exceedingly simple: Property is robbery, and all that remains to be done is to hand over all the wealth to the working classes as a great but tardy act of restitution. And this is exactly what is demanded in the market-places of England to-day by Socialists and Independent Labor Party men. If the idea that labor is the sole source of value were only an academic doctrine, to be found nowhere but in the economic treatises of semi-metaphysical German gentlemen, it would not much matter, but it is bawled out boldly at every street corner, and believed, as is natural, by workmen who do not reflect and who see what a simple way out of the social question it indicates. But a grosser fallacy could not be proclaimed. Labor has no power to give value, exchange-value, to anything; all it can do, and even this it cannot do without the coöperation of nature, capital and management, is to produce goods. The value of those goods arises from the wants of the community, and varies with the demand and the supply. That there could be no wealth without labor is undeniable, at least no great wealth, but neither could there be without capital and certainly not without business management. For the fallacy becomes huger when Socialists contend that all wealth arises from manual labor. Manual labor counts for less and less as civilization advances, and mental labor for more and more.

A favorite retort is that machinery is stored labor, but it is the brain work in the machine which is the core of its value, without which it would be mere old iron, and it is the clever organization of the machine industry by the brain workers which goes farther to produce the wealth of the country than all the manual labor put together. In denying that labor is the source of all wealth, there is no need to be indifferent to the fact that labor may not have received its share of the joint-product, and that machine industry is full of perils to both the workman and the community at large. But it is a huge fallacy to set forth as the economic charter, in Socialist tracts and manifestoes, that labor is the source of all value. True, it is seen to be a fallacy by the educated few amongst Socialists; but the majority still cling to it, and many prominent Socialists are prepared to take the field against all-comers in its defense.

Popular socialism, in its frank moments—when it casts discretion to the winds and grows regardless of consequences—fulminates against what it calls “the bourgeois family.” It has an idea that the family is the greatest hindrance to Socialism. It is the home and training ground of individualism; it is the place where woman is kept in economic dependence and slavery—it must disappear in the new state. But this, again, is a fallacy. Not that the family has reached its full development, or attained to an ideal condition—that it cannot do until the relations between men and women are ideal, which, of course, is far from being the case. There is room, too, for much improvement in the matter of freeing the women of the home from lives of dullness and drudgery; much more amongst the women of the working than of the middle class. Woman's economic dependence is disappearing also; but here caution will be needed, otherwise there may come neglect of the home and family. What, looked at from without, may be regarded as economic dependence, is not really so where Christian ideals are preserved. The home is one, and all alike contribute to its welfare. And this shows the fallacy of Socialists who oppose the family, as a school of individualism. On the contrary, it is the training-ground of the public-minded citizen.

Like unto the former fallacy is the Socialist contempt for religion. There are Socialists who are religious, but the average Socialist is against religion. The trinity of evil to him is the State, the family and the church—these three are one, and must be destroyed. Religion is much ado about nothing. Man has but one life—that is here and now upon the earth. Religion is the invention of priests and cultivated by the upper classes as a moral police force to keep the workman down, and as a drug to stupefy him and keep him in love with his chains. This is the language of the marketplace and the Socialist stump orator. He never thinks to inquire: Who made the priests? or to ask: Whence comes the religious instinct which grows stronger and more definite the more civilized man grows? He is full of blind fury and will away with it. He cannot distinguish between Christianity and the church; between the professor and the possessor of religion and all the while he is advocating Utopias which make the greatest possible demands upon the qualities which only religion can foster, develop and cultivate. He is really cutting the ground from beneath his feet. Meanwhile, the future society he portrays is one which makes provision mainly for man's material wants, with some free libraries thrown in. He will soon find that such a society is no refuge for the spirit of man, which reaches out after the Infinite.

Perhaps the worst fallacy entertained by the Socialist, from the point of view of his own comfort, is the idea that because he himself is very much in evidence—electioneering, pamphleteering and speechifying—and because the workmen listen and read, therefore, he is upon the very verge of triumph. If he entertains this delusion he is doomed to bitter disappointment.

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Monday, June 3, 2019

Teddy Roosevelt on Socialism


Theodore Roosevelt on Socialism

THE immorality and absurdity of the doctrines of Socialism as propounded by these advanced advocates are quite as great as those of the advocates, if such there be, of an unlimited individualism. * * * * The doctrinaire Socialists, the extremists, the men who represent the doctrine in its most advanced form, are and must necessarily be, not only convinced opponents of private property, but also bitterly hostile to religion and morality; in short, they must be opposed to all those principles through which, and through which alone, even an imperfect civilization can be built up by slow advances through the ages. Indeed these thorough—going Socialists occupy, in relation to all morality, and especially to domestic morality, a position so revolting—and I choose my words carefully—that it is difficult even to discuss it in a reputable paper. In America the leaders even of this type have usually been cautious about stating frankly that they proposed to substitute free love for married and family life as we have it, although many of them do in a round about way uphold this position. In places on the continent of Europe, however they are more straight-forward, their attitude being that of the one extreme French Socialist writer's, M. Gabriel Deville, who announces that the Socialists intend to do away with both prostitution and marriage, which he regards as equally wicked— his method of doing away with prostitution being to make unchastity universal. * * * * Much that we are fighting against in modern civilization is privilege. * * * * But there can be no greater abuse, no greater example of corrupt and destructive privilege, than that advocated by those who say that each man should put into a common store what he can and take out what he needs. This is merely another way of saying that the thriftless and the vicious who could or would put in but little, should be entitled to take out the earnings of the intelligent, the foresighted and the industrious, * * * * In short, it is simply common sense to recognize that there is the widest inequality of service and that, therefore, there must be equally wide inequality of reward, if our society is to rest upon the basis of justice and wisdom. Service is the true test by which a man's worth should be judged. We are against privilege in any form: privilege to the capitalist who exploits the poor man, and privilege to the shiftless and vicious poor man who would rob his thrifty brother of what he has earned. Certain exceedingly valuable forms of service are renderd wholly without capital. On the other hand, there are exceedingly valuable forms of service which can be rendered only by means of great accumulation of capital, and not to recognize this fact would be to deprive our whole people of one of the great agecnies for their betterment. The test of a man's worth to the community is the service he renders to it, and we cannot afford to make this test by the material considerations alone. One of the main vices of the Socialism which was propounded by Prondhon, Lassalle, and Marx, and which is preached by their disciples and imitators is, that it is blind to everything except the merely material side of life. It is not only indifferent, but at the bottom hostile, to the intellectual, the religious, the domestic and moral life; it is a form of communism with no moral foundation, but essentially based on the immediate annihilation of personal ownership of capital,and, in the near future, the annihilation of the family, and ultimately the annihilation of civilization."—The Outlook, March 20, 1909.

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