Sunday, January 19, 2020

Auguste Comte on This Day in History


This Day in History: Socialist philosopher Auguste Comte was born on this day in 1798. He was the man who coined the term "altruism" and believed that man's highest ideal was to live for others. One writer back in 1883, stated that "Comte's Altruism advances beyond the limits of Christian doctrine. He teaches that, instead of loving our neighbour as ourselves, we should endeavour not to love ourselves at all." Many today still uphold altruism as the highest moral ideal. I don't. Bill Gates may like giving away his money now, but he helped countless millions much more by selfishly developing his Windows operating system. Altruism simply does not put food on the table. As Adam Smith remarked back in 1776, "It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest."

The Altruism of Auguste Comte by Julius Lloyd 1884
https://thebookshelf2015.blogspot.com/2018/06/auguste-comtes-peculiar-form-of.html

What Ayn Rand Meant by Altruism
https://fredericbastiat1850.blogspot.com/2017/12/what-ayn-rand-meant-by-altruism.html

Saturday, December 28, 2019

The Fascist President, Woodrow Wilson, On This Day in History


This Day In History: President Woodrow Wilson was born on this day in 1856. Interestingly, his second wife Edith Wilson died on this day in 1961.

While often ranked as one of the best presidents in US history, Ivan Eland's book "Recarving Rushmore: Ranking the Presidents on Peace, Prosperity and Liberty" ranked Woodrow Wilson as the worst president:

"It can be argued that Wilson screwed up the entire twentieth century and beyond. U.S. involvement in World War I was instrumental in causing a violent twentieth century for the world. As a result of the two world wars, the Russian and Chinese revolutions, and civil wars and conflicts spawned by the Cold War - most of which can be traced to U.S. entry into World War I - the twentieth century was by far the bloodiest in world history. Approximately 110 million people lost their lives in war in that century.

Even before World War I, however, Wilson had dramatically changed the Democratic Party from a Jeffersonian party of small government and military restraint overseas into a part of big government and profligate armed intervention abroad. The war also allowed Wilson to engineer an unprecedented government takeover of the domestic U.S. economy - a model that was later repeated during other crises, such as the Great Depression and World War II." Buy this book on Amazon

See also Woodrow Wilson: America’s Worst and First Fascist President

A Century Ago Woodrow Wilson Took America Into WWI: Blame Him For
Communism, Fascism And Nazism

Sunday, December 15, 2019

“I Believe in Freedom of Expression, but…”


The period between 1980 and 2003 was characterized by an unprecedented development towards democracy, strong institutions, and acknowledgment of human rights. Thus, dictators and authoritarian leaders around world loosened their iron grip on the press and citizens’ right “to know, to utter and to argue freely according to conscience,” as put forward by English poet John Milton in 1644.

Since 2003, however, freedom of expression has suffered multifarious limitations. According to Freedom House, only 13 percent of the world’s population enjoys a free press. Ignited in 2004, the global decline in press freedom has spread like a wildfire, and the number of countries with a free press has decreased by 10 percentage points. Concurrently, well-established democracies are calling for desperate measures to deal with the predicament of balancing civil liberties and national security. To make things worse, guarding against fake news and an emerging demand for shielding minorities against hate speech are gaining support.

On a global basis, the support for freedom of speech is relatively high. People generally consider it a fundamental right to criticize governments and politicians, but when it comes to minorities, the support for free speech vanishes. For instance, a survey conducted by The Varkey Foundation shows that only 49 percent of “Generation Z” believe that people should have the right to speak offensively to minority groups, while only 46 percent of Europeans think that people should be able to publish statements offensive to minorities.
The idea that hateful speech incites violence does not prove correct when examined carefully.


Thus, when talking about freedom of expression, it seems like the prevailing attitude translates into: “I believe in freedom of speech, but…” Nevertheless, this unenthusiastic backing for free speech is highly perilous and allows for governments to restrain freedom of expression in several cases. The reason, it appears, is that a majority of people believe that hateful speech incites violence and conflict. Therefore, governments, companies, and organizations must censor offensive speech. Yet, there is no reason to believe that censorship will improve anything.

On the contrary, the idea that hateful speech incites violence does not prove correct when examined carefully. First of all, is it highly doubtful that hateful speech will encourage others to engage in acts of violence simply because they were exposed to hate speech? Individuals are rational and independent, and the idea that offensive words will drive people to act unlawfully because of offensive words is fallacious. On the other hand, it is likely that hate speech will provoke feelings in people who are already willing to engage in criminal conduct.

Evidence from Rwanda shows that there is not much reason to believe that people are incited to act violently merely because of hate speech. The study finds no significant effect from the state-led Radio Rwanda which propagated hateful messages about the persecuted Tutsis. Another study shows similar results. The author finds that many of the convicted perpetrators of the genocide did not listen to Radio Rwanda.
If, however, we accept that various precautions and curtailments are necessary to preserve diversity and a flourishing democracy, what would the consequences be?
By silencing radical and dissenting viewpoints, European states have fostered an environment of discontent among the silenced.


Restricting freedom of speech in order to protect minorities has already been attempted in several countries. The effects from Europe have, in large, been arbitrary convictions and persecution of offensive statements aimed at people criticizing Islam. Moreover, by silencing radical and dissenting viewpoints, European states have fostered an environment of discontent among the silenced. By legally prosecuting “wrong” viewpoints, extremists will consider themselves as minorities persecuted by an elite. This is backed by a study on right-wing terrorism in which the author concludes that public repression might have fueled extreme right violence.


On a smaller scale, various online platforms have already implemented censorship in order to protect minorities from offensive speech. The results yielded by such efforts seems, however, to be small, if not counterproductive. For instance, Reddit launched a ban on two subreddits particularly known for their offensive language and hateful content. When Reddit decided to ban r/fatpeoplehate and r/CoonTown in 2015, Reddit indeed achieved their objective. But what about the overall effect of the ban? A 2017 study shows that while Reddit did reduce controversial content, people simply fled to other sites to publish hateful content. This resonates with results from a UNESCO study indicating that banning “trolls” will just make them show up elsewhere.
Our observations undertaken here suggest that silencing hateful speech—regardless of the measures—is often unsuccessful or even counterproductive. On this background, we should remember why freedom of expression is so important and why we should cherish this freedom.
For, as numerous scholars have shown, freedom of expression correlates with better protection of human rights, higher GDP, less violence and lower corruption. Finally, repression of freedom of speech has—in a historical perspective—been the most desired instrument for governments and dictators around the world to retain impoverished people in obedience.
Filip Steffensen
Filip Steffensen
Filip Steffensen studies political science at Aarhus University, Denmark. He is affiliated with various domestic organizations promoting classical liberalism and is a representation of Liberal Alliance Youth. He is 21 years old. 
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.

Monday, November 25, 2019

New Releases and Libertarian Classics Now Available for Kindle and iBook



FEE has a long history of publishing both new and classic texts on the humane values and ethical principles of the free society.

Alongside teaching how markets work, FEE’s focus has always been on teaching why markets matter. That is, how commercial exchange, unimpeded by capricious government intervention, permits people to interact in ways they might not choose were it not for the need to trade. FEE has consistently promoted the ideal of the free society and shown how arbitrary coercion, from any source, is fundamentally incompatible with it.

FEE revived Frédéric Bastiat’s classic The Law with Dean Russell’s translation of Bastiat’s seminal work. Today it remains a sort of “gateway drug” into the classical liberal tradition.
FEE has printed hundreds of thousands of copies of The Law, and continues to distribute it in book form to seminar students and anyone seeking a better understanding of the nature of law and the inevitabilities of human-held power.

Increasingly, our distribution is going digital. FEE.org hosts full texts of Essential Readings from Bastiat, Henry Hazlitt, FA Hayek, and Leonard Read.

Not only are these life-changing texts available through web browsers, but they are now available in formats suitable for all electronic readers.

These eBooks are accessible to people young and old who prefer the convenience and speed of delivery of their Kindle or iPad. Importantly for those readers, text in these books scales to the size of the reader’s screen and can be adjusted to fit his or her preference.

Now available for Kindle, iPad, and iPhone are some of FEE’s most popular texts, as well as some brand new releases:
These texts have been redesigned and optimized for the most popular e-reading platforms, complete with beautiful new cover art.

While we continue to distribute these texts physically, we strive to expand our distribution electronically so that they can be read by people across the globe — by anyone curious about the freedom philosophy and how it applies to a life well lived.

Coming in the next few months are new editions of FEE founder Leonard E. Read’s many books, beginning with his masterpiece Anything That’s Peaceful — available now with a new introduction by FEE president Lawrence W. Reed.

Reed writes, “There it was in one evening’s reading — freedom explained in its essence, socialism debunked at its core, a vision for a better world offered in a compelling — indeed, even inspiring — way."

Keep your eyes peeled for more of Leonard Read's books, alongside a series of beautiful compilations entitled Essays On Liberty, including contributions by Read, Hazlitt, Frank Chodorov, F.A. Harper, and Ludwig von Mises.
Richard N. Lorenc
Richard N. Lorenc
Richard N. Lorenc is FEE's Executive Vice President and serves as managing director of FEE's Youth Education and Audience Research ("YEAR") project to develop and promote new content and distribution techniques for free-market ideas.
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.

Sunday, October 27, 2019

The Tyranny of Socialism


CHRISTIANITY and Socialist-Radicalism are opposite things. Christianity destroyed slavery, Socialists aim at returning to slavery—the coming slavery, as Herbert Spencer calls Socialism. Socialism means the destruction of liberty. But, says M. Vinet, “liberty is the mother of every good thing. Truth, piety, virtue delight themselves in liberty; vice and crime in slavery.” Does, then, Socialism mean vice and crime P. At any rate, its root is envy, with its necessary companion, hatred; and Bacon calls envy “the special quality of the devil.”

Socialism, as a rule, goes along, as M. de Laveleye truly says, with godless Materialism. But, says M. Vinet, “Materialism leans with all its weight on tyranny.” Then Socialist-Radicalism leans all its weight on tyranny; and this, of course, is true. The blessed word “compulsion” is, as we all know, the Socialist-Radical's shibboleth.

Christianity is the religion of righteousness—that is, of duty. Therefore it is the religion of Individualism. There can be no duty if there is no personal responsibility, and there can be no personal responsibility if there is no individual liberty. Necessarily, then, Socialist-Radicalism is opposed to Christianity, if not to all religion. “Nulle religion,” says Vacherol, “est compatible avec l'idéal de la démocratie”—meaning, of course, the ultra-democracy of Socialist-Radicalism. The word “democracy,” by itself, has no definite meaning. Democracy, in some degree, reigns wherever there are communities of men. If the most absolute despot of a savage tribe is unsuccessful in war, the democracy—that is, what is called “the people”—cut his head off and set up another. Thus the democratic principle exists everywhere. The word itself, unqualified, defines nothing.

“Christianity,” says M. Vinet, “is the immortal seed of liberty here below. Jesus Christ has irrevocably established the reign of law and individual liberty...... all worthy Liberals and Conservatives desire liberty and order; and all bad men mortally hate both the one and the other.” Rough on the poor Socialist-Radical this!

“What,” asks M. Vinet, “is the principle of Socialism? It is to place the human species under tutelage; it is to rule despotically; it is to fashion for each individual his religion, his philosophy, and his conscience. The idea is a very ancient one. It is, in fact, the Pagan idea, whose funeral knell was sounded by Christianity.”

“A Socialist State,” again says M. Vinet, “accepts for its type a family where the children remain eternally minors.” The despotic tyranny of Socialist-Radicalism is far worse than the tyranny of a single despot. “The tyranny of a multitude,” said Burke, “is a multiplied tyranny.” Thus the reason why the Socialist-Radicals aim at this multiplied tyranny is, no doubt, because the tyranny of only a single despot is not tyranny enough for them.

“Despotism,” says Coventry Patmore, “whether of an irresponsible emperor or of a multitude, is the death of nationalities.” Now, the Socialist-Radicalism of the day, as it cannot be too often repeated, means despotism, with its necessary other side, slavery. I wonder whether we have gone too far in this direction for recovery

See also Over 300 PDF/Acrobat Books on Socialism, Communism and Economics and 300 Books on DVDrom for Libertarians, Objectivists and Voluntaryists For a list of all of my books on disks and other ebooks click here

“The frantic ambition,” said Coventry Patmore, after the General Election of 1892, “of one bad man, the cowardice of a few others, and the apathy of that large portion of the community which has been sane in judgment, but insane in sloth, have brought the final evil upon us sooner than it need have come. But come it must, inasmuch as the powers of evil have always in the history of nations proved too strong in the long run for those of good. Considering what men are, the wonder is not that all great nationalities should have come to a disgraceful end, but that their ordinary duration of life should have been a thousand years or so. How any of them should have lasted a hundred must seem a miracle to those who fail to take into account the agency of the two guardian angels of national life, religion and war—religion, which keeps alive submission to law and the spirit of self-sacrifice for corporate life; and war, which silences for a time the envy and hatred of the evil and the ignorant for all superiorities, and compels them to trust their leaders on pain of annihilation.”

History undoubtedly tells us that every nation goes down when its time comes. And what brings it down is the spirit of evil becoming stronger than the spirit of good; the spirit of evil meaning the Radical spirit of envy, hatred, destruction, and disintegration, as distinguished from the beneficent, preserving, and improving spirit of Conservatism and true Liberalism.

Now, about Great Britain. Have we got on the downward course?. At any rate, envy, hatred, and malice, with their inevitable children, lying and slander, seem more and more to rage over the land. What is poor old Mr. Gladstone's strongest political card?. It is the stirring up of envy, hatred, and malice between the “classes and the masses.” He has, I believe, described Nonconformity as the backbone of Radicalism in England. But what is the motive force that brings out this form of Radicalism?. It is class and sectarian envy, hatred, and jealousy, “the special qualities of the devil.” Take away social jealousy from Nonconformity, and its Radicalism would be nowhere. The Socialist-Radicalism of the day means at bottom war against ownership of property. Now, the Nonconformist loves his property as much as anybody; but at present his sectarian envy, jealousy, and hatred outweigh his love of property, and even his hatred of Roman Catholicism in Ireland. Hatred of what is near is stronger than hatred of what is far off. Surely we have much to fear as a nation from these dire forces that have of late increased so much. Communities of bees and ants consist of ranks and orders, classes and masses. What would happen if their masses were to set up a burning antagonism against the rest in their communities? Surely bees and ants would cease to exist.

By the way, talking of Roman Catholicism, I wonder, should the Nonconformists succeed in their schemes for disestablishing and robbing the Church, whether the contingency has ever occurred to them of the whole Church of England going over to Rome, and thus England becoming again a vast Roman Catholic community, with a few petty Nonconformist sects here and there. Educated Roman Catholicism is very different now from what it was when it burned people for believing the earth went round the sun, or for not believing in winking virgins. The truths of science are no longer denied by educated Roman Catholics —as, for instance, Mr. St. Mivart.

Sunday, September 22, 2019

The Early Failures of Socialism by Hutton Webster


By Hutton Webster

Contemporary socialists unite in making the following demands. First, the State shall own and operate the instruments of production, that is, land and capital. Under this arrangement rent, interest and profits, as sources of personal income, would disappear, and private property, would consist simply of one's own clothing, household goods, money, and perhaps a house and a garden plot. Second, the leisure class shall be eliminated by requiring everybody to perform useful labor, either physical or mental. Third, the income of the State shall be distributed as wages and salaries among the workers, according to some fairer principle than obtains at present.

Socialism, thus explained, is not identical with public ownership of railroads, telegraphs, telephones, the postal service, and other utilities. There is still a leisure class and there are still personal incomes in those countries which have gone furthest in the direction of public ownership. Similarly, labor legislation is not properly described as socialistic, since it fails to abolish private property, the factory system, and rent, interest, and profits.

Socialism is, in part, an outcome of the Industrial Revolution, which completed the separation of capital and labor. The gulf between the capitalists and the landless, property-less, wage-earning proletariat became wider, the contrasts between rich and poor became sharper, than ever before. Vastly more wealth was now produced than in earlier ages, but it was still unequally distributed. The few had too much; the many had too little. Radical reformers, distressed by these inequalities and dissatisfied with the slow progress of the labor movement and government regulation of industry, began to proclaim the necessity of a wholesale reconstruction of society.

In Great Britain the most prominent of these early radicals was Robert Owen, a rich manufacturer and philanthropist, who met great success in improving the conditions of life for his employees. He did pioneer work as an advocate of trade unionism and labor legislation, at a time when neither had many influential friends. Owen's special remedy for social ills was the establishment of small cooperative communities, each one living by itself on a tract of land and producing in common everything needed for its support. He thought that this arrangement would retain the economic advantages of the great inventions without introducing the factory system. Owen's experiments in cooperation all failed, including the one which he established at New Harmony, Indiana, in 1825. Owen thus belongs in the class of Utopian socialists, men who dreamed of ideal social systems which were never realized.

Socialism is also, in part, an outcome of the French Revolution. That upheaval destroyed so many time-hallowed institutions and created so many new ones that it gave a great impetus to schemes for the regeneration of society. French radical thinkers soon set out to purge the world of capitalism as their fathers had purged it of feudalism. Their ideas began to become popular with workingmen after the factory system, with its attendant evils, gained an entrance into France.

The workers found a leader in Louis Blanc, a journalist and author of wide popularity. The revolution of 1789, he declared, had benefited the peasants and the bourgeoisie; that of 1830 the capitalists; the next must be for the benefit of the proletariat. Blanc believed that every man had an inalienable right to remunerative employment. To provide it, the State should set up national workshops managed by the workers in each particular industry. His ideas triumphed for a time in the revolution of 1848. The Second French Republic expressly recognized "the right to labor" and proceeded to set up the national workshops. They were so badly managed, however, that Blanc himself disapproved of them. Their speedy failure brought such discredit upon him and his followers that socialism became almost extinct in France. "To speak of it," said a writer of the time, "is to deliver its funeral oration."


Tuesday, September 3, 2019

10 Books on Liberty You Probably Haven't Read (But Should)


Every libertarian (or classical liberal) has a list of his or her ten greatest books. These volumes are canonical contributions that, above all others, have profoundly shaped that libertarian’s worldview. I’m no different. And I’m sure that if my list of such canonical books is compared with the list made by, say, Jeffrey Tucker or Sarah Skwire or Dan Mitchell, there would be significant overlap.
Such lists invariably feature works by scholars who are unambiguously in the libertarian pantheon. These are works by luminaries such as Adam Smith, Frédéric Bastiat, Ludwig von Mises, Henry Hazlitt, F.A. Hayek, and Milton Friedman.

The great variety of influential books that are not (yet) as widely known and read as they deserve to be testifies to the richness of libertarian scholarly tradition.


But what of books by writers who haven’t (yet) unambiguously joined these scholars in the libertarian pantheon? Books by these scholars aren’t (yet) canonical. And if you ask 20 libertarians each to present to you a list of his or her ten favorite non-canonical books, you might well wind up with a total of 200 different books.

This great variety of influential books testifies to the richness of the libertarian scholarly tradition. It’s filled with remarkable works of scholarship that are not (yet) as widely known and read as they deserve to be.

So I here present a list—in alphabetical order according to the authors’ last names—of what are today my ten favorite non-canonical books. Each has influenced me deeply and lastingly.
This book is both a popular history of property rights and a marvelous guide to the many, and often surprising, advantages of secure property rights.
The writing style is beautiful in its simplicity; the sweep of the material covered is enormous. Its main thesis is that careful and prudent thought — “rationality” — is a scarce good that each of us exercises only to the extent that it pays us to do so.

A key implication (which Caplan develops from Geoffrey Brennan and Loren Lomasky’s pioneering 1993 book, Democracy & Decision) is this: Because in nearly all political elections every voter understands that his or her vote will have no impact on the outcome of the election, when voting each of us is free to behave carelessly and imprudently. The same individual who is a model of judiciousness and rationality when making private decisions is likely to behave recklessly while forming political opinions and expressing these in voting booths. One of many takeaways from Caplan’s book is that the greater is the scope of government action, the more we are governed irrationally.
It has long been fashionable among both conservatives and progressives to declare that free markets promote mass, bland, soul-stultifying cultural products at the expense of (in the case of conservatives) glorious high-culture products or (in the case of progressives) provocative, edgy cultural products.

Cowen’s book — smoothly blending the economic way of thinking with informed discussions of all manner of art — reveals this fashionable declaration about free markets to be bunk. Reading this book makes clear that markets not only excel at delivering consumer goods, but are also essential for the development, spread, and maintenance of almost all of the artistic products that you — no matter who you are — treasure.
 
 
Growth of the state is fueled by crises, real and imaginary. Higgs details how this(il)logic of the growth of government played out in the United States. Along the way, Higgs anticipates some of the ideas found in Caplan’s book.
 
Volume 1 celebrates the bourgeois virtues and shows these to be subtler and richer than most of us realize. Volume two explains why purely materialistic or mechanical explanations of the industrial revolution fail — often of their own internal contradictions, and always because they ignore the role of popular attitudes toward commerce and economic growth. Volume three ties it all together into a whole that is much greater than the sum of its parts. The series is grounded solidly in history and sound economic theory, and no stronger case for commercial freedom and the market order has ever been penned.
 
Some will scoff at my inclusion of this book in this list. They will assert that this book is no serious work but, rather, a rollicking string of humorous observations and cynical criticisms of popular government. But they will be mistaken. While conveyed in ways that are indeed humorous—and while Mencken’s understanding of the state was certainly not romantic—his insights are unique, penetrating, revealing, and timeless.
 
Postrel demonstrates vividly, in an impressively wide range of contexts, the contest between “dynamism” and “stasis.” If the dynamists succeed, so too does humanity. If the champions of stasis succeed—whether because of widespread fear, ignorance, or greed—humanity suffers greatly.
 
Told as a story featuring the ghost of David Ricardo, this book is unmatched in the crucial task of revealing to skeptics of free trade the unseen benefits of such trade—and the unseen costs of protectionism.
 
Had Julian Simon done nothing more in his too short life other than demonstrate that the ultimate resource is the human mind, he would have deserved the Nobel Prize that he, sadly, was never awarded. Yet while Simon’s contributions are many, this one tops them all.
This thick book is chock-full of accessible data and straightforward prose that make clear that all the many worries that people have about population growth, immigration, resource depletion, and environmental degradation are either completely unwarranted or fantastically overblown. And the reason why people should quit these worries is that, in markets that are reasonably free, human creativity has a long and brilliant record not only of solving problems but also of improving humanity’s lot.
 
By all means, study the classics in the libertarian library. But read and study many more books than these. Our library contains more than enough important books to keep you occupied for a lifetime.
Donald J. Boudreaux
Donald J. Boudreaux
Donald J. Boudreaux is a senior fellow with the F.A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, a Mercatus Center Board Member, and a professor of economics and former economics-department chair at George Mason University.
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.